نشریه مطالعات راهبردی جهان اسلام
سال بیست و چهارم شماره 1 (پیاپی 93، بهار 1402)

The foreign policy of any country is derived from several factors. Dozens and even hundreds of social, cultural, economic, political, historical, and technical factors are involved in determining its boundaries, individually or mutually. But these multiple factors are organized under the umbrella of a central idea and the main strategy in different categories is organized from within that central idea. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, due to the rule of Islam and the establishment of the Velayat-e-Faqih system, the main strategy is derived from the central Islamic idea from the point of view of the Valiy-e-Faqih of the present age. In this research, using the paradigm analysis method, we try to answer the question that in the current period, what are the mandatories of Iran's foreign policy in various categories from the perspective of the Supreme Leader? Preliminary investigations show that the Supreme Leader, who is the main responsible of the Islamic State, using the principles of the Islamic State's foreign policy, has determined mandatories in various supplies for the 13th government, which revolves around the principle of benefit.

Since its establishment, the Islamic Republic of Iran, relying on the humane principles of "supporting the oppressed" and "fighting the oppressor" and the Islamic principle of " The rule of negation of dominance " has entered the Palestinian issue, and in its 45-year history, it has always tried to support Palestinian ideals in any conditions. Iran's position has been stable throughout these years, but various events such as the Iran-Iraq war, the normalization of Israel-Arab relations, the peace agreement between Israel and the PLO, and the Syrian crisis have caused Iran's relationship with various Palestinian groups to deteriorate. Flows like PLO and Hamas with their approaches of nationalism and Sunni Islam have created frictions with Iran's policies. This has given rise to internal reactions. In a historical process, it can be claimed that while being stable in strategy, the Islamic Republic has gone through these periods with the Palestinians in the field of tactics: the period of formation (1357-1359), the period of fluctuation (1359-1366), the period of restoration and reconstruction (1366-1389), the period of pessimism ( 1389 to 1398) and finally, the transformation period from 1398 until now. This division refers to the different Palestinian currents, each of which seeks the realization of the Palestinian cause based on theis political ideology. Regarding the Palestinian nation, Iran's relations have always been based on solidarity. In this research, based on the combined theoretical framework of constructivism and defensive realism, we analyze the reason for this behavior and based on the Moskavieh measurement and evaluation method, we analyze the lessons of these actions for current decision makers.

The authoritarian structure of the Al-Motamar party in Yemen always created political groups against each other in order to moderate the opposition and eliminate them. Therefore, the Islah party was formed not on the basis of cooperation in a democratic structure, but on the basis of a hostile fighter against Yemen's Ansarullah in the 1990s. However, wherever Saleh's authoritarianism put even the Islah party in danger, a natural alliance between this party and Ansarullah was temporarily formed. With the beginning of the Arab developments, although the Islah party and Ansarullah were in favor of removing Abdullah Saleh from power, his removal caused the intensification of the hostile competition between these two political groups, and the Islah party gradually lost its political, social and geographical resources in this struggle. However, China's mediation in reducing the tension between Saudi Arabia and Iran caused the crisis in Yemen to enter a new phase, in which, in addition to reducing the Saudi military attacks on Yemen, a platform for peace between Riyadh and Sana'a was also provided. At some point, political actors were often the deputies of foreign actors in the Yemen war; Now these actors must put aside their differences. What effect will the peace between Saudi Arabia and Yemen have on the differences and cooperation between Ansarullah and Islah party? The foundation of Islah party was based on the difference with Ansarullah, which was also ideological and religious. It seems that in the best case, during the period of peace, the competition based on hostility between these two domestic actors will simply decrease, although this decrease depends on the role of foreign actors in solving Yemen's challenges.

This research aims to identify the difference in the views of the different spectrums of the Muslim Brotherhood towards the Islamic resistance, and seeks to answer the following question: "What is the relationship between the different aspects of the Muslim Brotherhood with the Islamic resistance and what is the framework for thinking, social behavior and political construction they propose in this field?" The hypothesis is: "The existence of different schools of thought within the Muslim Brotherhood (Qutbi and reformist spectrum) and the creation of several internal factions and a generation gap (the flow of elders and youth) caused by the revolutionary events of the Arab Spring caused a difference of opinion between the different currents in the Brotherhood regarding examples of Islamic resistance. The present article, in the manner of historical sociology and with the tools of collecting documentary and library information, seeks to identify the differences of opinion between different spectrums of the Muslim Brotherhood movement regarding examples of Islamic resistance, and specifically, to introduce four intellectual spectrums that are effective in the views of the Muslim Brotherhood, including: Hassan al-Banna School , Azharist school, Qutbi school and Wahhabi-Salafi school. Also, studies the views and opinions of the two main intellectual spectrums in the Muslim Brotherhood (reformist and Qutbi) regarding examples of Islamic resistance against modernity and the manifestations of Western civilization, the issue of revolution and reforms, the issue of Islamic Jihad, as well as their view and interaction with the axis of resistance and Islamic revolution. In addition, it shows that the deepening of the generation gap in the Muslim Brotherhood after the 2011 revolutionary events and the 2013 coup led to the formation of three Brotherhood currents with three different approaches to resistance and revolution: "relatively traditional Qutbis", "reformers critical of the regulatory system, but moderate" and "youth with a revolutionary and resistance approach".

More than 75 years have passed since the beginning of the Zionist occupation in Palestine. During this period, the Zionists have followed the policy of occupying the lands belonging to the Palestinians in different ways, in order to realize the "Torah borders" they claim, by adopting an expansionist approach. While the axis of resistance condemns and negates the total occupation of the Zionist regime in Palestine and the international community only recognizes the sovereignty of this regime over the lands of 1948, the Zionists have followed the gradual occupation of the West Bank through settlement building since 1967. In such a way that currently about 460 thousand Zionists live in more than 130 illegal settlements built in the West Bank. In line with the territorial development policy, the Zionist leaders have presented various plans to occupy the West Bank under the title of "annexation". The latest annexation plan belongs to Benjamin Netanyahu, the prime minister of the Zionist regime. Netanyahu even announced the date of July 1, 2020 as the implementation date of the annexation plan, but due to international pressure, internal differences of the Zionists and the decisive position of the resistance groups, this plan was not implemented on the said date. Considering the strategic importance of the West Bank, the Zionists will not abandon the occupation of the West Bank and will implement it at the first opportunity. Using the library method in data collection and the descriptive-analytical method in analyzing the findings, this article seeks to investigate the effect of the annexation of the West Bank on the axis of resistance. The findings of the article show that although the annexation of the West Bank will cause the destruction of the infrastructure of the Palestinian national government, opportunities such as the international isolation of the Zionist regime at the international level, the placement of the Palestinian issue in the center of global attention and public opinion, and an increase in the likelihood of the discourse of armed resistance against the regime Zionist and ultimately stop the destructive trends that are going on to the detriment of the Palestinian cause, will be provided to the resistance axis. Also, the annexation of the West Bank will probably lead to the formation of the third intifada and will greatly increase the security costs of the Zionist regime. In the case of successful annexation of the West Bank to the occupied territories and consolidation of Zionist rule over this region, the axis of resistance will face a challenge in terms of discourse, identity, method, motivation, military, political and strategic dimensions.

Turkmenistan is one of the important countries in Central Asia. Considering that the security of the Zionist regime since its inception has always relied on extensive and deep interaction with the surrounding environment and various countries in various dimensions, therefore, Turkmenistan is one of the important countries that the Zionist regime has always tried to have an active political, economic, security and even cultural presence in it. Strengthening relations with Turkmenistan, which is one of the important foreign policy agendas of this regime, has various domestic and regional results for the Zionist regime: First, it will establish this regime in one of the important neighboring countries of Iran, and as a result, strengthen the intelligence, security and military aristocracy of this regime over the Islamic Republic. Second, in the situation where the Zionist regime is an energy consumer, it causes the transfer of the energy resources of Turkmenistan - which is one of the owners of huge energy resources in Central Asia - to this regime in various forms and through the conclusion of cooperation agreements. This has two important consequences: first, it provides an important part of the energy needs of the Zionist regime; Second, it increases Turkmenistan's income through the sale of energy resources. The author of the article believes that the expansion of bilateral relations between Turkmenistan and the Zionist regime, especially in the security and political dimensions that affect the existing regional order in Central Asia, has important consequences, especially for the Islamic Republic of Iran. This article has identified the consequences of this issue by examining the roots and dimensions of the political and security relations between the Zionist regime and Turkmenistan.

The United States Constitution is silent about parties; Despite this, the country's political structure has evolved into a two-party system, especially since the 1850s. This type of political system, despite some advantages such as providing the circulation of elites and balancing the distribution of power, has been strengthening the process of polarization in the political, economic and social fields. In recent years, especially after Donald Trump came to power in 2017 and the advancement of extreme right-wing policies in the domestic and foreign arenas, the process of polarization in American society and politics is happening more rapidly, and it is likely to occur in the 2024 elections as well. The basic issue that the current article seeks to investigate is the polarization process of American society and politics on the horizon of the 2024 elections and some of its possible consequences in the foreign policy scene of this country. To address this issue, while using the descriptive-analytical method and applying the conceptual framework of the bipolar society, the key components of the polarization of the American society, such as the growth of violence, the increase in the purchase and sale of weapons, the growth of protests with a view to the two-party political construction and the 2024 elections, are examined. In this context, the 2024 elections, due to the intensification of the political and social bipolar atmosphere, will probably lead to disputes, protests and violence in this country, and will also lead to the weakening of America's capacity to act in the foreign arena.